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How did Trump make it happen?

How did Trump make it happen?

Trump has succeeded in silencing opponents of his plan from different powers — not just convincing them (File/AFP)
Trump has succeeded in silencing opponents of his plan from different powers — not just convincing them (File/AFP)
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As a continuation of my previous article about Hamas’ move toward accepting Donald Trump’s peace plan, the world woke up to the news that both Hamas and Israel had agreed to it. Reaching this outcome was not an easy task, considering the complexity of the regional and military situation in Gaza.

The American president succeeded in silencing opponents of his plan from different powers — not just convincing them. Israel had previously expressed its rejection of any Palestinian Authority presence in Gaza, its opposition to granting Hamas fighters the right to remain, and its desire to reoccupy the territory alone.

Trump also worked to win over countries close to Hamas, such as Qatar and Turkiye. He repaired relations with Doha, hosted President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, agreed to give Turkiye additional time to purchase cheaper Russian gas, and opened the door to an F-35 fighter jet deal.

He neutralized Russia, the capable adversary that could have built an opposition bloc to the proposed agreement. Trump also gave weight to key states like ֱ by recognizing its two-state solution initiative and incorporating it into his Gaza plan as its main objective. He made sure to dangle a carrot before the besieged Hamas by guaranteeing the safety of its leaders and fighters — whether they chose to stay or leave.

He made sure to dangle a carrot before the besieged Hamas by guaranteeing the safety of its leaders and fighters

Abdulrahman Al-Rashed

Ankara, Doha and Moscow all kept their doors closed to Hamas leaders unless they accepted Trump’s agreement. President Vladimir Putin went beyond his disputes with Washington and was keen to personally announce — not through his foreign minister — his support for Trump’s plan, as well as his endorsement of Tony Blair’s proposal to administer Gaza in the next phase. Even though keeping the Western camp busy with wars serves Russian interests in Ukraine, which remains its main war.

Tehran’s statements this time were less combative than usual. After the killing of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh last year, the movement’s leaders have grown wary of traveling to Iran.

In the end, the hard-liners within the movement had no choice but to accept, though that will not stop them from later trying to obstruct, amend or delay implementation in order to make some adjustments and save face.

The result, according to Trump’s plan, is that Hamas — known for three decades as an armed movement — will come to an end, although it may perhaps remain as a political organization competing with Fatah, which dominates the Palestinian Authority leadership.

Today’s priority is to address the humanitarian tragedy of 2 million people, most of whom are without shelter or food

Abdulrahman Al-Rashed

Throughout the two years of war, Hamas has played a swinging game of agreeing and not agreeing, wanting a deal and an end to the war yet refusing to leave Gaza, until Trump decided to stop both sides that wanted the fighting to continue: Hamas and Israel.

Hamas is the last to arrive. Hezbollah came before it and signed an agreement with Israel. The remaining Palestinian factions in Lebanon surrendered their weapons and the Palestinian and nationalist militias in Syria vanished after the Assad regime fell.

Hamas is the final stone in the collapsing “steadfastness and confrontation front” wall — a collapse that creates a large vacuum within the armed movement. If that vacuum is not addressed politically, it will resurface under different forms and names. This brings us back to ֱ’s project for a two-state solution and the advantage of having a strong, effective figure like Trump.

But today’s priority is to address the humanitarian tragedy of 2 million people, most of whom are without shelter or food. They need an immediate rescue plan ahead of the administrative and development project that will take time — perhaps months — before it begins.

  • Abdulrahman Al-Rashed is a Saudi journalist and intellectual. He is the former general manager of Al-Arabiya news channel and former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published. X: @aalrashed
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