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Benjamin Netanyahu certainly wanted to see a different scene. He had hoped to eventually announce an end to the war with the surrender of Israel’s enemies from Jerusalem. That has not happened. In such protracted conflicts, knockout blows are extremely scarce. On Monday, he will make his way to a difficult meeting at the White House with a president who has not been reserved in his support; the man who joined him in punishing Iran and sent his aircraft to strike Tehran’s nuclear facilities.

On his way to the White House, Netanyahu will console himself with the successes he believes he has achieved. He turned the “Sinwar Flood” into an existential war. He fought on seven fronts. He wiped Gaza off the map, leaving only rubble over the tunnels of the Al-Qassam Brigades. He killed many more Palestinians than any of his predecessors. He killed Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran. He killed Yahya Sinwar and his brother, as well as Mohammed Deif and others. It must be hard for the man to remember the names of everyone he has killed. He has certainly removed the Gaza Strip from the military equation and a ceasefire is conditioned on the removal of Hamas; every proposal stipulates that there is no future for Hamas in Gaza.

As he worries about his audience with the president, he lists his perceived accomplishments. He expelled the heirs of Qassem Soleimani from Syria after they had entrenched themselves there over decades. He made Bashar Assad pay a heavy price for tying himself to the “Axis of Resistance.” Assad fled to Russia. He smiles as he asks himself: Who would have thought that a Syrian judge would dare issue an arrest warrant in absentia for the son of Hafez Assad, whose statues have been toppled like those of Saddam Hussein?

Netanyahu reminds himself that he made a very dangerous decision: punishing the patron after having dealt with the proxy

Ghassan Charbel

He mutters: It is difficult to trust the intentions of Ahmad Al-Sharaa but the balance of power imposed by the war leaves me no choice. Ensuring Syria’s territorial integrity demands walking away from military confrontation with Israel: a security agreement, a buffer zone and US guarantees. Al-Sharaa has chosen to board the global train and everyone knows the price of the ticket.

He continues his internal monologue. The day after the “Sinwar Flood,” Hassan Nasrallah chose to dive into the war. Hezbollah imagined that we would respect the old “rules of engagement.” He failed to realize that nothing would be the same. The Israeli machine wiped out the party’s leaders. The new balance of power is clear: without the Syrian hinterland, Hezbollah cannot wage war on Israel. For the first time, its arsenal has become a domestic question and its relations with the other components of Lebanese society have become toxic. It has lost the veneer of legitimacy that the Lebanese state once provided for its weapons.

It is clear Iran will not resign to losing Lebanon after losing Syria, but turning back the clock is not on the table. Strict implementation of the cessation of hostilities means Lebanon abandoning armed conflict with Israel.

He reminds himself that he made a very dangerous decision: punishing the patron after having dealt with the proxy. His aircraft roamed free over Tehran’s skies, eliminating generals and nuclear scientists in seconds. He turned the tables and unleashed his war machine on the land of Soleimani. He put an end to the game it had mastered over decades: war via proxy.

He mutters: Iran is not what it was before the “flood.” Its axis is in shambles, its role has diminished, its aura is gone. Its economy is bleeding, its currency is committing suicide, and sanctions are now reinforced by clear European determination. He remembers the Houthis, their missiles and their drones. The strike on their government did not provide enough catharsis. He dreams of doing more to settle the score despite the distance and the protection geography provides.

Israel has never had a better friend in the White House than Donald Trump. He has provided unlimited support. Time and again, he gave it the space it needed to settle its wars. Netanyahu managed this relationship masterfully. It is best not to anger this man. When he is enraged or when he feels his partner is deceiving him, the consequences can be severe.

The key to the Israeli fortress is the White House. Accordingly, enraging the ‘general’ in the Oval Office is not an option

Ghassan Charbel

Netanyahu has no doubt that Israel is a solid military fortress and its technological superiority has been evident during its recent wars. He also knows, however, that sustaining this fortress requires American military and diplomatic support. The key to the Israeli fortress is the White House. Accordingly, enraging the “general” in the Oval Office is not an option.

He feels that Israel is strong. It cannot be threatened: not by Gaza, not by Lebanon, not by Syria and not by Iran. At the same time, he feels a certain bitterness. The mass walkout of delegates at the General Assembly Hall at the UN made him feel that the Israeli fortress is genuinely threatened by isolation and his hard-line partners in government do not understand the grave ramifications of this threat.

A touch of bitterness and lots of anxiety. He has killed many, but the specter of what he considers the most dangerous threat looms. A ceasefire will not only bring back the hostages and the bodies. It will also unleash a torrent of trials in Israel. Who knows, maybe someone who is compelled to acquiesce to the establishment of a Palestinian state will take his seat. He sees the specter of this state lurking behind calls for a ceasefire and peaceful coexistence. The specter hovers over the American plan. Trump’s pledge to prevent him from annexing the West Bank — or parts of it — is highly significant. He worries about Trump’s determination to end the war and his hunger for a Nobel Peace Prize.

The car approaches the White House. A painful thought crosses his mind. He has given out cups of poison to those who launched rockets at Israel. Today’s appointment, however, stirs apprehension: has Trump grown weary of helping Israel and covering for its excesses? Will Trump force him to drink a cup of poison? Has he won his wars on several fronts only to lose the front of the war on the Palestinian state? Is the American plan actually a plan to distribute cups of poison to the combatants?

• Ghassan Charbel is editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper. X: @GhasanCharbel

This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.