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Unprecedented water crisis across Gaza heaps more misery on civilians

A boy fills up containers with water from the remaining water still left in underground pipes, in Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip on April 24, 2025. (AFP)
A boy fills up containers with water from the remaining water still left in underground pipes, in Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip on April 24, 2025. (AFP)
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Updated 04 August 2025

Unprecedented water crisis across Gaza heaps more misery on civilians

Unprecedented water crisis across Gaza heaps more misery on civilians
  • More than 75 percent of wells are out of service, 85 percent of public works equipment destroyed, 100,000 meters of water mains damaged and 200,000 meters of sewers unusable

JERUSALEM: Atop air strikes, displacement and hunger, an unprecedented water crisis is unfolding across Gaza, heaping further misery on the Palestinian territory’s residents.
Gaza was already suffering a water crisis before nearly 22 months of war between Israel and Hamas damaged more than 80 percent of the territory’s water infrastructure.
“Sometimes, I feel like my body is drying from the inside, thirst is stealing all my energy and that of my children,” Um Nidal Abu Nahl, a mother of four living in Gaza City, told AFP.
Water trucks sometimes reach residents and NGOs install taps in camps for a lucky few, but it is far from sufficient.
Israel connected some water mains in north Gaza to the Israeli water company Mekorot, after cutting off supplies early in the war, but residents told AFP water still wasn’t flowing.
Local authorities said this was due to war damage to Gaza’s water distribution network, with many mains pipes destroyed.
Gaza City spokesman Assem Al-Nabih told AFP that the municipality’s part of the network supplied by Mekorot had not functioned in nearly two weeks.
Wells that supplied some needs before the war have also been damaged, with some contaminated by sewage which goes untreated because of the conflict.
Many wells in Gaza are simply not accessible, because they are inside active combat zones, too close to Israeli military installations or in areas subject to evacuation orders.
At any rate, wells usually run on electric pumps and energy has been scarce since Israel turned off Gaza’s power as part of its war effort.
Generators could power the pumps, but hospitals are prioritized for the limited fuel deliveries.
Lastly, Gaza’s desalination plants are down, save for a single site reopened last week after Israel restored its electricity supply.

Nabih, from the Gaza City municipality, told AFP the infrastructure situation was bleak.
More than 75 percent of wells are out of service, 85 percent of public works equipment destroyed, 100,000 meters of water mains damaged and 200,000 meters of sewers unusable.
Pumping stations are down and 250,000 tons of rubbish is clogging the streets.
“Sewage floods the areas where people live due to the destruction of infrastructure,” says Mohammed Abu Sukhayla from the northern city of Jabalia.
In order to find water, hundreds of thousands of people are still trying to extract groundwater directly from wells.
But coastal Gaza’s aquifer is naturally brackish and far exceeds salinity standards for potable water.
In 2021, the UN children’s agency UNICEF warned that nearly 100 percent of Gaza’s groundwater was unfit for consumption.
With clean water nearly impossible to find, some Gazans falsely believe brackish water to be free of bacteria.
Aid workers in Gaza have had to warn repeatedly that even if residents can get used to the taste, their kidneys will inevitably suffer.

Though Gaza’s water crisis has received less media attention than the ongoing hunger one, its effects are just as deadly.
“Just like food, water should never be used for political ends,” UNICEF spokeswoman Rosalia Bollen said.
She told AFP that, while it’s very difficult to quantify the water shortage, “there is a severe lack of drinking water.”
“It’s extremely hot, diseases are spreading and water is truly the issue we’re not talking about enough,” she added.
Opportunities to get clean water are as dangerous as they are rare.
On July 13, as a crowd had gathered around a water distribution point in Nuseirat refugee camp, at least eight people were killed by an Israeli strike, according to Gaza’s civil defense agency.
A United Arab Emirates-led project authorized by Israel is expected to bring a 6.7-kilometer pipeline from an Egyptian desalination plant to the coastal area of Al-Mawasi, in Gaza’s south.
The project is controversial within the humanitarian community, because some see it as a way of justifying the concentration of displaced Palestinians in southern Gaza.

On July 24, a committee representing Gaza’s prominent families issued a cry for help, calling for “the immediate provision of water and humanitarian aid, the rapid repair of infrastructure, and a guarantee for the entry of fuel.”
Gaza aid workers that AFP spoke to stressed that there was no survival without drinking water, and no disease prevention without sanitation.
“The lack of access, the general deterioration of the situation in an already fragile environment — at the very least, the challenges are multiplying,” a diplomatic source working on these issues told AFP.
Mahmoud Deeb, 35, acknowledged that the water he finds in Gaza City is often undrinkable, but his family has no alternative.
“We know it’s polluted, but what can we do? I used to go to water distribution points carrying heavy jugs on my back, but even those places were bombed,” he added.
At home, everyone is thirsty — a sensation he associated with “fear and helplessness.”
“You become unable to think or cope with anything.”


Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote

Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote
Updated 14 sec ago

Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote

Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote
  • Veteran Kurdish leader still shapes politicsBarzani’s political journey has been shaped by decades of rebellion, betrayal, and uneasy truces with successive Iraqi governments
  • His legacy looms large over the race for seats in the national parliament in Baghdad

BAGHDAD: Masoud Barzani, the Iraqi Kurdish leader who first took up arms against Saddam Hussein as a teenage guerrilla, remains a towering figure in Kurdish politics as Iraq heads into its November 11 election.
Though he no longer holds an official post, Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) is urging a strong Kurdish turnout to safeguard regional interests and strengthen its hand in fraught negotiations with Baghdad.
Barzani’s political journey has been shaped by decades of rebellion, betrayal, and uneasy truces with successive Iraqi governments. Now in his late 70s, he continues to wield influence behind the scenes, often referred to as “President” in Kurdish media and diplomatic circles.
His legacy looms large over the race for seats in the national parliament in Baghdad, a contest that could either reinforce Kurdish autonomy or expose deepening fractures within the Kurdish political landscape.
A strong KDP performance would give Barzani’s camp more leverage in disputes with the central government over oil revenues and budget allocations — issues that have sharply escalated tensions between Irbil and Baghdad in 2025.
A weak showing, however, could embolden rival Kurdish factions and strengthen the central government’s position.

FROM MOUNTAIN FIGHTER TO POLITICAL POWER BROKER
Barzani’s long career has been marked by cunning and patience, qualities that helped the Kurds in northern Iraq to survive brutality under Saddam.
Following the 1991 Gulf war, the Kurds rose up against Saddam’s dictatorship, and Barzani and his peshmerga fighters came down from the mountains and captured several cities.
But the victorious US-led allies balked at the prospect of a Kurdish split from Baghdad and initially gave Saddam’s troops a free hand to put down the uprising.
Facing strategic defeat, the quietly spoken Barzani was forced to do the unthinkable and negotiate with Saddam, who had gassed the Kurds and buried them in mass graves years before.
Barzani was saved by a US and British no-fly zone over the north which allowed him and his Kurdish rival Jalal Talabani to retake the area. The longest period of Kurdish autonomy in modern history followed, but the experience was scarred by war between Barzani and Talabani’s Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.
Barzani invited Iraqi government tanks into the enclave in 1996 to seize the regional capital Irbil, sending not only Talabani but CIA agents and their local employees fleeing.

GAMBLE ON INDEPENDENCE ENDS IN FAILURE
After decades of struggle, and Saddam’s overthrow in a 2003 US-led invasion, critics say Barzani made one of his biggest errors by seeking a referendum on Kurdish independence in 2017.
The Baghdad government rejected it as illegal and sent troops to seize the oil city of Kirkuk, which the Kurds regard as the heart of any future homeland. A bitter Barzani stepped down as president of the regional government.
“I am the same Masoud Barzani, I am a Peshmerga and will continue to help my people in their struggle for independence,” Barzani said in a televised address.
“Nobody stood up with us, other than our mountains.”
Barzani was born in 1946, soon after his legendary father, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, known as the Lion of Kurdistan, founded a party to fight for the rights of Iraqi Kurds.
Masoud Barzani became a guerrilla as a teenager, and over time he would become familiar with an abiding theme in Kurdish history — betrayal by regional and Western powers.
Exiled and dying of cancer in a US hospital in 1976, Mulla Mustafa lamented that he had ever trusted the United States.
A year earlier, Mulla Mustafa had been fighting a guerrilla war against Baghdad backed by Iran’s pro-Western shah, but he was cut adrift when then-US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger brokered a deal that allowed Saddam to crush the Kurds.
During the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war, Barzani allied the KDP with Tehran once more. As a result, some 8,000 Barzani tribesmen were rounded up and paraded through Baghdad before being executed. In Saddam’s words: “They went to hell.”
In March 1988 Saddam’s warplanes bombed the Kurdish town of Halabja with poison gas killing up to 5,000 people.
Despite the massacres, Barzani retained enough of a fighting force to respond to President George Bush’s appeal for an uprising during the 1991 Gulf War, when a US-led coalition routed Saddam’s army in Kuwait.
After Saddam’s fall, Barzani became a central figure in the drive to create an autonomous Kurdish state in northern Iraq. Kurdish leaders kept their territory relatively free of the sectarian bloodshed that plagued most of Iraq. Western oil executives flocked to the region seeking deals.

STRAINS WITH BAGHDAD OVER OIL RESURFACE
Kurds showed their military capability by joining Iraqi government troops and Iranian-backed paramilitary forces to drive Daesh militants out of Mosul.
Confident that the time was right for an independent homeland, Barzani pursued the disastrous referendum. A day after the vote he recalled the Kurds’ seemingly endless suffering.
“I’ve been fighting for half a century. With my people I have been through mass killings, deportations, gassings. I remember times when we thought we were done for, headed for extermination,” he told the Kurdish Rudaw news agency.
“I remember times, as in 1991 after the first war against Saddam, when the democracies came to our rescue but left the dictatorship in place, thus casting us back into the shadows.”
Barzani’s arch-enemy Saddam was executed in 2007. But tensions persist between the Kurds and Baghdad authorities.
Relations soured once again in February 2022 when Iraq’s federal court deemed an oil and gas law regulating the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan unconstitutional and demanded that Kurdish authorities hand over their crude oil supplies.
Barzani criticized the move as a “completely political decision” aimed at opposing the Kurdistan region.
Barzani has kept a hand in politics through his KDP. The party swept the Kurdish vote in a 2021 election after forming an alliance with Shiite cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr.