����ֱ��

After weeks of armed conflict between Israel and Iran, and in the aftermath of America’s direct attack on Iran’s nuclear weapons program, a fragile ceasefire appears to be taking hold.

US President Donald Trump has made clear he has no interest in broadening the conflict. His objectives remain narrowly focused: preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon and making the region more stable. There is even talk in Washington of a possible diplomatic overture toward Iran and restarting negotiations. Whether that materializes remains to be seen.

But in the wake of this short, intense conflict, a new opportunity has emerged for deeper US engagement in the region, particularly with the Gulf states. Trump has brought back decisive American leadership on the global stage, so countries in the region may be more willing to work more closely with the US. The president should seize this diplomatic momentum to revive one of the most creative initiatives from his first term: the Middle East Strategic Alliance.

Originally proposed in 2017, the alliance reflected a strategic vision for a more integrated and secure Middle East. At the time, the Gulf states were interested but lacked a common understanding of what such an alliance should be. The Trump administration also did not clearly articulate its scope, leaving it vulnerable to diverging interpretations. Some Gulf countries saw it as a purely security-focused pact aimed at countering Iran. Others, seeking to balance their regional relations, were more hesitant to commit to a militarized posture. Still others envisioned the alliance as a platform to boost regional trade and US economic engagement.

This time, Trump and his administration should remove any ambiguity. A revived alliance should have a clear mandate, starting with a robust security component. Without singling out any one threat, the US can lead efforts to improve defense coordination and enhance the capabilities of regional militaries.

Second, the alliance should include an economic and trade dimension. Trump’s emphasis on trade and tariffs aligns well with this. Only two Gulf countries, Bahrain and Oman, have free trade agreements with the US. Building on these could help formalize deeper economic cooperation and offer a framework for expanding US commercial ties across the Gulf.

The administration should focus first on “low-hanging fruit”— areas where consensus already exists and progress can be made quickly. Improving regional air and missile defense is one such area. The wars in Ukraine and between Iran and Israel have both illustrated the strategic importance of air defense systems in modern warfare. They have also exposed the economic imbalance in such conflicts: Shahed-class drones used by Iran can cost as little as $20,000, while the interceptors required to destroy them can cost hundreds of thousands of dollars.

The US and its Gulf partners must work together to increase regional air and missile defense capabilities. This includes coordinating technology development, operational procedures, and joint investments to improve system effectiveness while reducing costs. Air defense cooperation is not politically controversial — its defensive nature makes it an easier sell domestically for governments in the region. Citizens expect their governments to provide security from missile and drone attacks, which are growing more common and more lethal.

Qatar offers a case study. It experienced a major ballistic missile attack by Iran that was intercepted by US air defense systems. The attack was a wake-up call for the entire region. Investments in missile defense should be seen as both a strategic necessity and a politically viable starting point for a new alliance.

A focus on air defense could also have benefits beyond the Gulf. It could boost cooperation with Israel, which already has some of the most advanced missile defense systems in the world. These lessons could also be shared across Abraham Accords partners, enhancing both interoperability and trust.

Gen. Erik Kurilla, head of US Central Command, testified before Congress recently as part of his annual posture review. He emphasized the growing missile and drone threats in the Middle East. These threats are not hypothetical — they are shaping real-world policy and defense spending. A renewed alliance should be built around this reality.

Now is the time for the Trump administration to act. The dust is settling after the Iran-Israel war. Diplomacy is once again being discussed. Regional states are looking to Washington for leadership and reassurance. A clearly defined, strategically sound alliance could be the foundation for a new era of regional cooperation that goes beyond security and includes trade, economic cooperation, and normalization.

Reviving the Middle East Strategic Alliance will not be easy, but it is achievable. The geopolitical landscape has shifted in the region’s favor. Shared concerns about air threats, increased interest in normalization, and a willingness to engage economically all create the right conditions for success. But this time, the US must lead with clarity and purpose.

Trump and regional leaders should not let this moment pass. With smart leadership and clear objectives, a revived alliance could be the key to making the Middle East a safer, more secure, and more prosperous region for years to come.

• Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. X: @LukeDCoffey.