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Sudanese seek refuge underground in western region of Darfur

Sudanese seek refuge underground in western region of Darfur
This picture taken on March 13, 2025, shows a makeshift bunker dug by civilians in North Darfur state capital El-Fasher, as a hideout from clashes between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese army. (AFP)
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Updated 18 March 2025

Sudanese seek refuge underground in western region of Darfur

Sudanese seek refuge underground in western region of Darfur

EL-FASHER: Beneath the broken earth of the besieged Sudanese city of El-Fasher in the western region of Darfur, Nafisa Malik clutches her five children close.

As shells rain down, the 45-year-old mother tries to shield them in a cramped hole barely big enough to crouch in.

“Time slows down here,” Malik said, from her home near El-Fasher’s Hajjer Gadou market.

“We sit in the darkness, listening, trying to guess when it’s over,” she said.

For almost two years the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces and Sudan’s army have waged a war that has killed tens of thousands.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Friday called it a “crisis of staggering scale and brutality.”

El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, is the only major city in Darfur still under army control, making it a strategic prize.

The paramilitary troops have tried for months to seize it.

Malik’s crude shelter, held up by splintered wooden planks and scraps of rusted metal, is one of thousands in the war-battered city, according to residents.

The army regained much of the capital Khartoum this year, but the paramilitary troops have intensified their attacks on El-Fasher.

Desperate for safety from artillery and drone strikes, residents have built makeshift bunkers.

Some are hurriedly excavated foxholes, others are more solid and reinforced with sandbags.

Mohammed Ibrahim, 54, once believed hiding under beds would be enough, “until houses were hit.”


Egypt raises fuel prices for the second time this year

Egypt raises fuel prices for the second time this year
Updated 3 sec ago

Egypt raises fuel prices for the second time this year

Egypt raises fuel prices for the second time this year
  • Egypt has increased fuel prices by around 12 percent, marking the second hike this year
  • The government announced the change on Friday, stating that prices will remain fixed for at least a year
CAIRO: Egypt increased fuel prices by around 12 percent on Friday, a step likely to drive up the costs of goods and services across the country. This is the second fuel price hike this year.
In a statement posted on Facebook, the Egyptian government gave no reason for the move but said fuel prices will remain fixed in the local market with no further increases for at least one year.
Egyptians have been grappling with soaring inflation as they navigate rising daily costs that reached another high last year. They included an increase in fuel prices, a hike in subway fares and a slide in the Egyptian pound against foreign currencies.
According to the latest data from the Central Bank of Egypt posted Oct. 8, Egypt’s annual urban consumer price inflation reached 11.7 percent in September— down from 12 percent in August and 13.9 percent in July.
Fuel prices last increased in April, rising between 11 percent and 14 percent on various fuel products.
At the time of a previous price hike in late 2024, the government said that raising prices was meant to “reduce the gap between the selling prices of petroleum products and their high production and import costs.”
According to the new prices taking effect on Friday, the cost of a liter of diesel — which is heavily relied on for public transport — increased from 15.50 pounds ($0.33) to 17.50 pounds ($0.37), while the price of the 92-octane gasoline rose to 19.25 pounds ($0.40) from 17.25 pounds ($0.36) and the 95-octane gasoline increased from 19 pounds ($0.40) to 21 pounds ($0.44).
The petroleum sector will continue running refineries at full capacity and provide incentives to its partners to boost production, reduce import expenses, and stabilize costs — with the aim of narrowing the gap between production costs and selling prices, said the government on Friday.
Earlier this year, the government raised the minimum monthly wage for both public and private sector workers to 7,000 pounds ($138), up from 6,000 pounds ($118.58).
The Egyptian economy has been hit hard by years of government austerity, the coronavirus pandemic, the fallout from Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and most recently, the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. The Houthi attacks on shipping routes in the Red Sea have slashed Suez Canal revenues, which is a major source for foreign currency. The attacks forced traffic away from the canal and around the tip of Africa.
Egypt previously reached a deal with the IMF to more than double the size of its bailout to $8 billion. The price hikes have been deemed necessary to meet conditions set by the International Monetary Fund for further assistance to the country.
In March, the IMF said it completed its fourth review of Egypt’s economic reform program approving a $1.2 billion disbursement for the North African country.

Assad-era plot to hide thousands of Syria’s dead turned desert into a mass grave

Assad-era plot to hide thousands of Syria’s dead turned desert into a mass grave
Updated 17 October 2025

Assad-era plot to hide thousands of Syria’s dead turned desert into a mass grave

Assad-era plot to hide thousands of Syria’s dead turned desert into a mass grave
  • More than 160,000 people disappeared into the deposed dictator’s vast security apparatus and are believed to be buried in the dozens of mass graves he created, according to Syrian rights groups
  • The government has estimated the missing since the Assad family’s rule began in 1970 at up to 300,000

DHUMAIR: There was no mistaking the reek of death that rose along the Syrian desert highway four nights a week for nearly two years. It was the smell of thousands of bodies being trucked from one mass grave to another, secret location.
Drivers were forbidden to leave their cabs. Mechanics and bulldozer operators were sworn to silence and knew they’d pay with their lives for speaking out. Orders for “Operation Move Earth” were verbal only. The transfer was orchestrated by one Syrian colonel, who would ultimately spend nearly a decade burying Syrian President Bashar Assad’s dead.
The order for the transfer came from the presidential palace. The colonel, known as Assad’s “master of cleansing,” directed the operation from 2019 to 2021.
The first grave, in the Damascus-area town of Qutayfah, contained trenches filled with the remains of people who died in prison, under interrogation or during battle. That mass grave’s existence had been exposed by human rights activists during the civil war and was long considered one of Syria’s largest.
But a Reuters investigation has found that the Assad government secretly excavated the Qutayfah site and trucked its thousands of bodies to a new site on a military installation more than an hour away, in the Dhumair desert.
In an exclusive report published Tuesday Reuters revealed the clandestine reburial scheme and the existence of the second mass grave. Reuters can now expose, in forensic detail, how those responsible carried out the conspiracy and kept it a secret for six years.
Reuters spoke to 13 people with direct knowledge of the two-year effort to move the bodies and analyzed more than 500 satellite images of both mass graves taken over more than a decade that showed not just the Qutayfah grave’s creation but also how, as its burial trenches were re-opened and excavated, the secret new site expanded until it covered a vast stretch of desert.
Reuters used aerial drone photography to further corroborate the transfer of bodies. Under the guidance of forensic geologists, the news agency also took thousands of drone and ground photos of the two sites to create high-resolution composite images. At Dhumair, the drone flights showed the disturbed soil around the burial trenches was darker and redder than nearby undisturbed areas – the kind of change that would be expected if Qutayfah’s subsoil were added to the soil at Dhumair, according to Lorna Dawson and Benjamin Rocke, the geologists who advised Reuters.
Syria is dotted with mass graves, but the secret site that Reuters discovered is among the largest known. With at least 34 trenches totaling 2 kilometers long, the grave near the desert town of Dhumair is among the most extensive created during the country’s civil war. Witness accounts and the dimensions of the new site suggest that tens of thousands of people could be buried there.
To reduce the chance that intruders may tamper with the site before it can be protected, Reuters is not revealing its location.

After the initial story by Reuters, the government’s new National Commission for Missing Persons said it had asked the Interior Ministry to seal and protect the Dhumair site. The commission told Reuters the haphazard transfer of bodies to Dhumair would make the process of identifying victims more difficult.
“Each family of a missing person faces particular suffering intertwined with scientific complexities that could turn the identification process into a lengthy and costly technical project,” the commission said.
For four nights nearly every week, six to eight trucks filled with dirt, human remains and maggots traveled to the Dhumair desert site, according to the witnesses involved in the operation. The stench clung to the clothes and hair of everyone involved, according to descriptions from witnesses, including two truckers, three mechanics, a bulldozer operator and a former officer from Assad’s elite Republican Guard who was involved from the earliest days of the transfer.
The idea to move thousands of bodies came into being in late 2018, when Assad was verging on victory in Syria’s civil war, said the former Republican Guard officer. The dictator was hoping to regain international recognition after being sidelined by years of sanctions and allegations of brutality, the officer said.
At the time, Assad had already been accused of detaining Syrians by the thousands. But no independent Syrian groups or international organizations had access to the prisons or the mass graves.
At a 2018 meeting with Russian intelligence, Assad was assured that allies were actively working to end his isolation, the officer said. The Russians advised the dictator to hide evidence of widespread human rights violations. “Most notably arrests, mass graves, and chemical attacks,” he said.
Two truckers and the officer told Reuters they were told the point of the transfer was to clear out the Qutayfah mass grave and hide evidence of mass killings.
Qutayfah’s first trench appeared on satellite imagery in 2012. A Syrian human rights activist exposed Qutayfah by releasing photos to local media in 2014, revealing the existence of the grave and its general location on the outskirts of Damascus, and accused Assad of using the site to conceal the sheer volume of people killed under his leadership. Its precise location came to light a few years later, in court testimony and other media reports.
By the time Assad fell, however, all 16 trenches documented by Reuters had been emptied.
Russia’s foreign intelligence service declined to comment, and a legal adviser for Assad did not respond to requests for comment on Reuters’ findings.
More than 160,000 people disappeared into the deposed dictator’s vast security apparatus and are believed to be buried in the dozens of mass graves he created, according to Syrian rights groups.
The government has estimated the missing since the Assad family’s rule began in 1970 at up to 300,000.
Organized excavation and DNA analysis could help trace what happened to them, easing one of Syria’s most painful faultlines.
But with few resources in Syria, even well-known mass graves are largely unprotected and unexcavated. And the country’s new leaders, who overthrew Assad in December, have released no documentation for any of them, despite repeated calls from the families of the missing.
The National Commission for Missing People said that’s because many records have disappeared or been destroyed, and the gaps in data are immense even for well-known sites like Qutayfah.
There are plans to create a DNA bank and a centralized digital platform for families of the missing, but not enough specialists in forensic medicine and DNA testing, they said.
Reuters reviewed court testimony and dozens of signed documents showing the chain of command from prison deathbeds to morgues. Many of those documents bore the official stamp of the same colonel who oversaw the two mass burial sites: Col. Mazen Ismandar.
All those interviewed who were involved in the transfer of bodies recalled nights working for Ismandar.
Ahmed Ghazal, a mechanic, described nighttime repairs throughout that period in which soldiers ordered him to clear out his garage so the trucks could be fixed quickly and out of sight. Ghazal told Reuters he didn’t believe their initial explanation, that the smell of rot came from chemicals and expired medicine.
He saw the bodies for the first time when he jumped inside the truck bed during a repair job. Then, after a decaying human hand fell on one of his apprentices, Ghazal said curiosity got the better of him and he approached one of the military drivers to ask where the bodies were from. That driver told him they were from Qutayfah, and that the orders were to move them before Syria could open itself to international scrutiny.
Ghazal, who led Reuters to the Dhumair site, described the events he’d witnessed there in a methodical, deep voice. But he said he never spoke out at the time.
To talk, he said, “means death. Just by talking, what happened to the people who are buried here might happen to you.”
Reuters spoke to the driver as well, who recalled his conversation with Ghazal and said Col. Ismandar warned they’d pay if anyone spoke of what they’d seen.
Contacted through intermediaries, Ismandar declined to comment on Reuters’ findings.
“If I’d been able to act freely, I wouldn’t have taken this job. I am a servant to the orders, a slave to the orders,” the driver said. “I was overwhelmed with feelings of fear, the terrible smell and a sense of guilt.”
When he would return home at sunrise, he said, he doused himself with cologne.
“THE MASTER OF CLEANSING”
As an opposition movement against Assad’s rule deteriorated into civil war in 2012, the town of Qutayfah, on the outskirts of Damascus, was one of the few places firmly under government control. So it was to a military site there that people brought the bodies they found during the early days of fighting and Assad’s furious efforts to contain the uprising, said Anwar Hajj Khalil, the former head of the city council.
By 2013, truckloads of bodies were arriving from hospitals, detention centers and battlefields. There were so many corpses that two government-owned food distributors – meatpackers and another company that distributed fruit and vegetables – redirected their refrigerated trucks to haul the dead to Qutayfah, according to Hajj Khalil and a former brigadier general in the Syrian Army’s 3rd Division, which coordinated burial logistics. The former brigadier general, like many involved in the conspiracy, requested anonymity to describe how it worked.
But no one wanted the responsibility of burying the bodies, said Hajj Khalil, who still lives in the area.
They needed a person to oversee the operations and the site. Ismandar began playing that role as early as 2012, according to multiple witnesses and court testimony. He was introduced to the 3rd Division crew as the “master of cleansing operations,” according to the division’s officer.
Ismandar’s actual title, according to documents from 2018 bearing his stamp and reviewed by Reuters, was budget manager for the Syrian military’s Medical Services. That unit was one of the most powerful government bodies, with control over medical care for soldiers and anyone taken to military hospitals, including thousands of prisoners whose deaths were recorded there.
Ismandar and a 3rd Division commander jointly settled upon a communal plot controlled by the military in Qutayfah, Hajj Khalil and the brigadier general said.
Initially, bodies came in a few dozen at a time from two nearby hospitals. They had shrouds inked with names, Hajj Khalil said. But within a few months, he said, he grew wearily used to calls from Ismandar after midnight to dispose of bodies from the Tishreen Military Hospital outside Damascus. Another officer would call Hajj Khalil to dispose of the bodies from the notorious Sednaya Prison.
“Ismandar would tell me, ‘The refrigerator trucks are headed your way. Tell the bulldozer to meet us at the site in a half-hour,’” Hajj Khalil said.
Initially, all the bodies from Tishreen and Sednaya were blindfolded, their hands bound with plastic strips, according to a bulldozer operator who worked at Qutayfah beginning in 2014. He said those from Tishreen first arrived in body bags, then in nylon bags, and then in no bags at all. Nearly all were naked, said the operator, who recalled his phone ringing at 2 a.m. with orders to start digging.
The early trenches dug by the army were too shallow, and “were partly the reason I was summoned,” the bulldozer operator said. “Given the nature of the soil, which is mixed with gravel and small stones, the odor quickly spread.” Locals complained about the smell and the dogs who were drawn to it, he said.
He said he dug each trench roughly 4 meters deep and wide, and between 75 and 90 meters long. His account corresponds to satellite imagery analyzed by Reuters: The images from 2013 when trench digging began in earnest appear to show shallow trenches, followed by longer and deeper gashes in the earth in 2014.
“I couldn’t sleep or eat for the first two weeks because of the horror of what I saw,” the bulldozer operator told Reuters. “But after that, something inside me snapped and I got used to it.”
All the while, Ismandar maintained a series of logbooks detailing the number of bodies arriving and the security branch that sent them, according
to sworn testimony
from a gravedigger named Mohammed Afif Naifa in German and US cases involving allegations of torture against the Assad government. Naifa told a German court that he worked with Ismandar from 2011 to 2017 and coordinated the burials of political prisoners. Naifa, whose testimony referred to Qutayfah but didn’t touch upon Dhumair, declined to speak with Reuters.
He testified that the numbers in the logbooks undercounted the true number of bodies he helped bury. The victims, he said, included babies and young children.
“This system of undercounting is how the regime disappeared and buried so many more people than were recorded,” Naifa testified in 2024 in a US civil suit that was brought by a torture victim against the Assad government.
Ismandar’s name appeared 73 times among thousands of documents from 2018 and 2019 Reuters found and photographed during a visit to a military police forensics office that was abandoned in December as the forces of Ahmed Al-Sharaa, now Syria’s president,
swept to power in Damascus. An inked stamp bearing Ismandar’s name appeared on documents from 2018 and 2019 that track how prisoners were taken first to Tishreen Military Hospital and then – after death – to the Harsta Military Hospital to be stored. The documents don’t mention mass graves.
From at least 2013 through 2018, however, 16 burial trenches were dug at Qutayfah with a total length of more than 1.2 kilometers, the Reuters analysis of satellite imagery and aerial drone photography found.
Local roads were closed when the trucks rumbled into the gravesite. In 2014, one of the trucks broke down on the highway and everyone in the convoy en route to Qutayfah stopped, according to the 3rd Division officer, who accompanied the group. Naifa gave a matching account of the incident.
The 3rd Division officer said he took a furious call from Ismandar’s commanding officer, Maj. Gen. Ammar Suleiman: “Orders from Mr. President: Block the international road until help comes.”
Suleiman was one of Syria’s top generals and part of Assad’s trusted inner circle. He led the military Medical Services and was Ismandar’s direct commander. His involvement was also confirmed in Naifa’s testimony and by a commander of the National Defense, a paramilitary that reported directly to Assad and was involved in Syria’s most sensitive security operations.
Suleiman did not respond to a message seeking comment.
Reuters didn’t find any documentation containing direct orders from Assad about mass graves in general or Operation Move Earth. But the Republican Guard officer and the National Defense commander said it was inconceivable that Assad hadn’t ordered it.
“I challenge you to find anything issued in Bashar Assad’s name,” said the National Defense commander. “He knew that reckoning would come one day, and he wanted to keep his hands clean.”
Based on the pace of deliveries over those years, Hajj Khalil, the former council chief, estimated Qutayfah held 60,000 to 80,000 dead by the end of 2018. That’s when the trench digging stopped, according to the Reuters satellite imagery analysis.
By then, with the help of Russia and Iran, Assad was widely seen as the victor in the civil war. Still, he had lost control of much of northern Syria to Al-Sharaa’s Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, or HTS, and to Kurdish forces, who each carved out autonomous regions.
One evening late in 2018, Assad summoned four military and intelligence chiefs to the presidential palace to discuss what to do about the mass graves, especially the Qutayfah site, said the Republican Guard officer. The officer worked in the palace at the time and said he was among a handful of people to see the meeting minutes.
The military intelligence chief, Kamal Hassan, came up with the idea of excavating the entire Qutayfah mass grave and moving the contents somewhere more remote, the officer said.
“The idea seemed crazy to most who heard it, but it received a green light from Assad,” he said. The main criterion for a new site was that it be under military control, he said.
Military intelligence chief Hassan ordered weekly reports to be sent to the presidential palace, the officer said.
Reuters could not reach Hassan, who is not believed to be in Syria, for comment.
In November 2018, work started on a concrete wall around Qutayfah, according to the officer, former council head Hajj Khalil and a Reuters analysis of satellite imagery. A February 2019 satellite image shows the wall surrounding the entire mass grave. At 3 meters high, it blocked any view of the site from ground level.
More than an hour away in the Syrian desert, in early February 2019, the first of at least 34 trenches appeared. A new operation had begun on a windswept military base near the town of Dhumair protected by a series of berms and fences and ringed by mountains on all sides.
OPERATION MOVE EARTH
Written orders said the mission was to transport dirt and sand to a construction site, according to the Republican Guard officer and Hajj Khalil. Clean-shaven with graying hair, Ismandar gathered the drivers a few minutes before they started work on their first day. He explained that it was actually bodies that needed moving because the mass grave location at Qutayfah had been exposed, said the military driver.
It was called Operation Move Earth, according to the Republican Guard officer and the National Defense officer.
“The instructions on the first day were: No one carries or uses phones. No one leaves the trucks during loading or offloading of the bodies, on pain of death,” said one of the military drivers. “No one would dare violate the orders.”
The truckers generally left Qutayfah around sundown and were forbidden to exit their cabs during loading, the driver said. He could see Ismandar in the rearview mirror, gesturing to him where to park. His truck rocked each time the bulldozer emptied itself, five or six times.
“Some were merely decomposed skulls and bones, while others were still fresh,” said the Republican Guard officer, who oversaw the work directly. “There were also many maggots. Hundreds, if not thousands, of maggots fell with each dumping from the bulldozer’s bucket into the truck.”
Then, on Ismandar’s orders, the vehicles pulled into a tight line and headed toward Dhumair, six to eight dull orange Mercedes dump trucks trailing the colonel’s white van.
An overwhelming stench traveled with the convoy. Drivers and mechanics invariably began their descriptions of those late nights with the smell that filled the air, four days a week, from February 2019 until April 2021, excluding holidays, snow days and a Covid confinement that in Syria lasted about four months.
After years of these journeys, the trucks’ payload was an open secret for people living near both sites, according to a resident who still recalled the odor. “Everyone saw us,” said one of the drivers.
Without excavation, a close estimate of how many bodies are buried at Dhumair is impossible. But a convoy of six to eight trucks making four trips a week means a conservative estimate of about 2,600 trips including the time off. Based on that and the size of the trucks, it is reasonable to believe tens of thousands of people could be buried at Dhumair, experts told Reuters.
By the time Operation Move Earth was done, each one of Qutayfah’s 16 trenches documented by Reuters had been opened, satellite imagery showed. In all, Dhumair contains 2 kilometers of trenches, according to Reuters calculations. The drivers and one mechanic said each was about 2 meters wide and 3 meters deep.
Reuters reporters who visited the site this year saw human bones scattered on the surface, including what experts identified as a fragment of a human skull.
Ghazal, the mechanic, said he encountered the convoy frequently. The trucks dated to the mid-1980s and were prone to malfunctions.
Their periodic appearances at his garage gave him a chance to discern two types of bodies headed for Dhumair. Some were decomposed and covered in soil. Others appeared to be freshly dead, including young men and women. His two cousins, who also worked at the garage, also told Reuters they saw recently deceased bodies. Reuters could not determine where the newly dead bodies came from.
Ghazal led a Reuters team to the site, which he could identify from having been summoned there for an urgent repair on a truck that wouldn’t budge.
“Everywhere you look,” he said, pointing at the empty desert, “there are people buried beneath the earth.”
Ammar Al Selmo, a board member for the White Helmets organization that helps find and excavate mass graves, was the first to alert Reuters to a possible mass grave in Dhumair. He said Qutayfah locals had told the White Helmets the mass grave there was empty and a witness in Dhumair reported the convoys with bodies, but Al Selmo said the organization is short on staff and resources and didn’t verify either claim.
After learning of Reuters’ findings, he said the White Helmets plan an initial visit in coming days.
A Reuters analysis of hundreds of satellite images taken over years indicated a color shift in the disturbed earth at the Dhumair site. But even the most sophisticated commercial images lack the resolution needed for a close examination of the soil.
So Reuters set out to take thousands of drone photos with the intention of creating higher-resolution composite images of Qutayfah and Dhumair, using specialized photogrammetry software.
The composites showed that bulldozers repeatedly passed over the trenches to tamp down the soil. They also supported Reuters’ key finding that bodies had been transferred from Qutayfah to Dhumair.
The analysis of the drone images found color changes around the Dhumair burial trenches that suggest subsoil characteristic of that found at Qutayfah may have been mixed in with the soil at Dhumair. That’s what could be expected if the soil dug up with human remains at Qutayfah was then added to the soil at Dhumair, according to Dawson, a pioneer in forensic soil science at The James Hutton Institute in Aberdeen, Scotland, and Rocke, who specializes in finding burial sites using remote imagery.
Dhumair’s final trench was filled in during the first week of April 2021, according to the satellite imagery analysis. By the end of that year, Qutayfah’s rubble had been flattened, in an attempt to obliterate any signs of the now-empty mass grave. In imagery for both sites, the earth still carries the scars of attempts to cover up the burials.
The intelligence chief who had first come up with the idea of moving the bodies to Dhumair received one of the last weekly reports about the operation in late 2021 and turned to the Republican Guard officer. “Syria is victorious and opening up to the world again” were his words, the officer recalled. “We want guests to come and find the country clean.”
Ismandar, like Assad and many others in the government, fled Syria after the dictator fell, according to two former military officers familiar with his movements.
With Assad gone, Ghazal said the mass graves were the first thing he thought of as he watched footage of thousands of Syrians streaming into Sednaya Prison in vain hope of finding missing loved ones. Some of the burial sites were already known, including Qutayfah.
In December 2024, several local and international media outlets visited the newly accessible site, including Reuters. So did an association for missing Syrians, which noted that Qutayfah had been bulldozed sometime between 2018 and 2021.
No one reported that the trenches were empty.
Ghazal, who still lives and works in the area, said no one ever came to search the site in the Dhumair desert that haunts him still.
So many Syrians, he said, were looking in the wrong place.


Hamas says committed to Gaza truce and returning hostage remains

Hamas says committed to Gaza truce and returning hostage remains
Updated 17 October 2025

Hamas says committed to Gaza truce and returning hostage remains

Hamas says committed to Gaza truce and returning hostage remains
  • Turkiye has deployed dozens of disaster relief specialists to help search for the bodies, but the families of the Israeli dead have fumed at Hamas’s inability to deliver their loved ones’ remains
  • Trump appeared to call for patience when it came to the bodies’ return, insisting Hamas was “actually digging” for hostages’ remains, but later expressed frustration with the group’s conduct since the fighting halted

JERUSALEM: Hamas said it was committed to the US-brokered agreement that halted its war with Israel, and to returning all the bodies of hostages still unaccounted for under the ruins of Gaza.
Responding to a call from the militant group for assistance with locating the bodies of the 19 hostages, buried under the rubble alongside an untold number of Palestinians, Turkiye sent specialists to help in the search.
Under a ceasefire agreement spearheaded by US President Donald Trump, Hamas returned 20 surviving hostages and the remains of nine of 28 known deceased hostages — along with another body, which Israel said was not that of a former hostage.
In exchange, Israel freed nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners from its jails and halted the military campaign that it launched in Gaza after Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack.
Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reaffirmed on Thursday his determination to “secure the return of all hostages” after his defense minister warned that the military “will resume fighting” if Hamas failed to do so.
Later that same day, Hamas insisted on “its commitment to the agreement and its implementation, including its keenness to hand over all remaining corpses.”
But it said the process “may require some time, as some of these corpses were buried in tunnels destroyed by the occupation, while others remain under the rubble of buildings it bombed and demolished.”
Turkiye has deployed dozens of disaster relief specialists to help search for the bodies, but the families of the Israeli dead have fumed at Hamas’s inability to deliver their loved ones’ remains.
The main campaign group advocating for the hostages’ families demanded on that Israel “immediately halt the implementation of any further stages of the agreement as long as Hamas continues to blatantly violate its obligations.”

- ‘Actually digging’ -

Trump appeared to call for patience when it came to the bodies’ return, insisting Hamas was “actually digging” for hostages’ remains, but later expressed frustration with the group’s conduct since the fighting halted.
“If Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them,” Trump said on Truth Social in an apparent reference to recent shootings of Palestinian civilians.
Since the partial withdrawal of Israeli forces in Gaza under the ceasefire deal, Hamas has been tightening its grip on ruined cities, launching a crackdown and executing alleged collaborators in the street.
Clashes have also taken place between the group’s various security units and armed Palestinian clans, some of which are alleged to have Israeli backing.
The ceasefire deal has so far seen the war grind to a halt after two years of agony for the hostages’ families, and constant bombardment and hunger for Gazans.
According to Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza, the next phases of the truce should include the disarmament of Hamas, the offer of amnesty to Hamas leaders who decommission their weapons and establishing the governance of post-war Gaza.
The plan also calls for renewed aid provision, with international organizations awaiting the reopening of southern Gaza’s Rafah crossing.
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said on the sidelines of a summit in Naples that preparations were being made for the strategic crossing, and that he “hoped” it would reopen on Sunday, Italian news agencies reported.
Israel, however, said earlier that the crossing would only be open to people, not aid, and Saar did not appear to elaborate.
The war has created a humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, with the UN declaring famine in August.
The World Health Organization has warned that infectious diseases are “spiralling out of control,” with only 13 of the territory’s 36 hospitals even partially functioning.
“Whether meningitis... diarrhea, respiratory illnesses, we’re talking about a mammoth amount of work,” Hanan Balkhy, regional director for the UN health body, told AFP in Cairo.

- ‘My children are home’ -

The families of the surviving hostages have been able, after two long years without their loved ones, to rejoice in their return.
“My children are home! Two years ago, one morning, I lost half of my family,” said Sylvia Cunio, mother of Ariel and David Cunio, who were released from captivity.
Israel returned the bodies of 30 Palestinians to Gaza on Thursday, the territory’s health ministry said.
Under the ceasefire deal, Israel was to turn over the bodies of 15 Palestinians for every deceased Israeli returned.
For many in Gaza, while there was relief that the bombing had stopped, the road to recovery felt impossible, given the sheer scale of the devastation.
“There’s no water — no clean water, not even salty water, no water at all. No essentials of life exist — no food, no drink, nothing,” said Mustafa Mahram, who returned to Gaza City after the ceasefire.
“As you can see, all that’s left is rubble.”
The war has killed at least 67,967 people in Gaza, according to the health ministry in the Hamas-run territory, figures the United Nations considers credible.
The data does not distinguish between civilians and combatants but indicates that more than half of the dead are women and children.
Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.


Lebanon says Israeli strikes kill one and wound seven

Lebanon says Israeli strikes kill one and wound seven
Updated 29 min 40 sec ago

Lebanon says Israeli strikes kill one and wound seven

Lebanon says Israeli strikes kill one and wound seven
  • Israel has repeatedly bombed Lebanon despite a November ceasefire, which followed more than a year of hostilities with the Iran-backed militant group that culminated in two months of open war

BEIRUT, Lebanon: Lebanon’s health ministry said Thursday that Israeli strikes in the south had killed one person and wounded seven, while the Israeli military said it had targeted Hezbollah and its allies.
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, however, insisted Israel’s strikes targeted “civilian facilities,” condemning what he said was a breach of a ceasefire negotiated last year.
“The repeated Israeli aggression comes as part of a systematic policy aimed at destroying productive infrastructure, hindering economic recovery, and undermining national stability under false security pretexts,” Aoun said.
Israel has repeatedly bombed Lebanon despite a November ceasefire, which followed more than a year of hostilities with the Iran-backed militant group that culminated in two months of open war.
The Lebanese health ministry, which earlier said six people had been wounded, said one person was killed in a strike in the eastern town of Shmistar.
One person was wounded in Bnaafoul, in the Saida district and six in Ansar, in Nabatieh district, it added.
An Israeli army statement said it had “struck Hezbollah terrorist infrastructure... in the Mazraat Sinai area in southern Lebanon.”
It also said it had struck facilities used by Green Without Borders, an NGO under US sanctions that Israel considers to have “operated under a civilian cover to conceal the presence of Hezbollah in the border area with Israel.”


UN rejects Houthi espionage allegations as ‘disturbing’ and dangerous, urges release of detained staff

UN rejects Houthi espionage allegations as ‘disturbing’ and dangerous, urges release of detained staff
Updated 17 October 2025

UN rejects Houthi espionage allegations as ‘disturbing’ and dangerous, urges release of detained staff

UN rejects Houthi espionage allegations as ‘disturbing’ and dangerous, urges release of detained staff
  • Spokesman Stephane Dujarric says calling aid workers ‘spies’ or ‘terrorists’ endangers UN staff lives everywhere and is unacceptable

NEW YORK: The United Nations has on Thursday rejected accusations by Yemen's Houthi authorities that UN staff were involved in espionage, calling the claims "extremely disturbing" and warning they put lives at risk.

“We categorically reject any and all accusations that UN personnel or UN operations in Yemen were involved in any form of espionage or in any activities that were not consistent with our humanitarian mandate,” said Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for UN Secretary-General António Guterres.

“Accusations, calling UN staff spies or, as we’ve seen in other contexts, calling them terrorists — all that does is it puts the lives of UN staff everywhere at risk, and it's unacceptable.”

Dujarric's comments came in response to a wave of detentions by Houthi authorities targeting UN and NGO workers in Yemen. At least 53 UN staff members remain arbitrarily detained, some held incommunicado for years, according to the UN.

The Houthi rebels have in recent weeks accused the UN of spying for the United States and Israel, exhibiting political bias, and failing to condemn Israeli military actions. These allegations emerged after an Israeli airstrike in September killed several senior Houthi officials in Sanaa.

Following the strike, Houthi officials claimed that some of the detained UN employees were engaged in espionage, and that diplomatic immunity “should not be a cover” for such activities.

In a statement from its Houthi-run foreign ministry, the group claimed the UN’s silence on the Israeli attack demonstrated “double standards” and alleged complicity.

Dujarric pushed back strongly against those narratives, insisting the UN’s presence in Yemen was solely humanitarian. “The work that we do in Yemen and we do everywhere where we do humanitarian work is guided by our basic principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence,” he said. “The reason our humanitarian colleagues are in Yemen is to help the Yemeni people.”

The UN has repeatedly condemned the detentions and raids on its premises in Houthi-held areas, and Secretary-General Guterres has called for the immediate and unconditional release of all UN personnel, NGO workers, and detained diplomatic staff. Human Rights Watch has also criticized the arrests, stating that no credible evidence has been presented to support the espionage allegations, and warning that such actions are obstructing critical aid operations in the war-torn country.

The Houthis’ accusations have drawn wider scrutiny of their treatment of aid workers and engagement with international agencies. In September, they accused UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg of “political complicity” for condemning the detentions while allegedly ignoring what they termed Israeli “aggression” in Yemen.

Despite the criticism, the UN maintains that its operations remain grounded in neutrality. “We will continue to call for the end to the arbitrary detention of our colleagues,” Dujarric said. “They need to be released, alongside the NGO workers and those from diplomatic missions.”

Yemen’s conflict, which escalated in 2015 after the Houthis seized the capital Sanaa, has triggered one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. UN-led efforts to broker peace have repeatedly stalled amid growing regional instability.